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Empirical evidence to support the theoretical framework Essay Wolfgang and Ferracuti present a general a general version of this subculture of violence thesis, which was drawn on Sutherland’s differential association theory, as well as other approaches, in order to explain why certain groups have higher rates of violence (Cote, 2002 p. 88). The subculture of Violence theory relied to some extent on Wolfgang’s earlier study of homicide in Philadelphia. Wolfgang had found that a significant number of homicides that occurred among lower-class people seemed to result from very trivial events that took on great importance because of mutually held expectations about how people would behave (Waters, 2006 p. 62). The authors of the theory began their work by presenting a variety of propositions and constitute the thesis, ranging from psychoanalytic theories of aggression, medical and biological studies, the frustration-aggression hypothesis, containment theory, child-rearing practices, and social learning and conditioning propositions. Wolfgang and Ferracuti has pointed out that the subculture of violence approve of violence unconditionally and that violence is not necessarily supported by all members of sub-society (Cote, 2002 p.88). One case presentation is provided in which the theoretical framework of subculture of violence is depicted. States that have a higher population of black people but low in white homicide rates, such as Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, contain a large proportion of blacks who come from the South (Hazlehurst and Hazlehurst, 1998 p. 36; Smith and Berlin, 1998 p. 268). On the other hand, the states in which the migrant blacks were reared also show a high white homicide rates. Critically analyzing these facts, one can infer that in the Southern states, there is a subculture of violence more intensive than in other parts of our country, which is shared by both black and white races and which is carries North by both races when they migrate to these new areas (Smith and Berlin, 1998 p. 268). As an example, the analysis of racial stands and status present in the United States, trivial insults are expected to be met with violence, and failure to respond in this way is met with social censure from the peer group adapted this theory to explain violence among American Blacks (Cote, 2002 p. 88; Hazlehurst and Hazlehurst, 1998 p. 36). Maintenance of a manly image is important in the subculture, and individuals who are unable to resolve conflicts verbally are more likely to resort to violence in order to assert their masculinity. Behavior is partly a response to social conditions, and partly the result of an individual’s acceptance of the ideas and values which he has absorbed from the subculture of violence (Hazlehurst and Hazlehurst, 1998 p. 36). Critiques on Subculture of Violence Theory. Fine and Kelinman (1979) have offered a general critique of the notion of subculture as it is used by social scientists. Many of their criticisms are relevant fir understanding the limitations of subculture of violence theory. They note that problems in previous subculture research include (1) a confusion of the ideas of subculture and sub-society, (2) the lack of a meaningful referent for subculture, (3) the homogeneity and stasis associated with the concept, and (4) the emphasis on defining subcultures in terms of values and central themes. They suggest that the subculture construct, to be of maximal usefulness, needs to be linked to processes of interaction among members of groups (Greene and Gabbidon, 2000 p. 133). In addition, it would be difficult to support an argument that a subculture exists in relation to a single cultural interest, and the thesis of a subculture of violence does not suggest a monolithic character (Bean, 2003 p. 229). Tedeschi and Felson (1994), for instance, were unable to identify a community or subculture that placed a positive value on violence. Furthermore, the subculture of violence hypothesis has been criticized on the grounds that it makes a circular argument (Walters, 2002 p. 81-82). Darnell Hawkins (1983) offered a number of criticisms of the subculture of violence theory that could apply equally to other â€Å"cultural† theories (Mann, 1993 p. 115-116): 1. There is an overemphasis on individual value orientations which, when aggregated, are said to generate a subculture. 2. The theory is not empirically grounded and is challenged by some research findings. 3. A great deal of the theory underemphasizes a number of structural, situational, and institutional factors that affect interpersonal violence; for example, for African Americans such factors extend from historical patterns evolving from slavery to the ramifications of an individual homicide, to the manner in which the criminal justice system operates. 4. The theory downplays the effects of the law on criminal homicide patterns. 5. In addition to the implanting of values, there are other possible ways that the social, economic, and political disadvantages faced by African Americans may lead to high homicide rates. Criticisms of the theoretical framework are subjected to various differentiations of human totality. The primary domain associated in the theoretical framework itself is the concept that subculture is the prime effectors of criminal and deviant behavior occurrence, which is not always and not entirely factual. As the statement of criminal governance and behavioral psychology implies, there are still various organizations and domains present in the both intra and inter-personal human attributes, such as physical nature, cognitive capacity and status, moral perspectives, environmental strains and stresses present, and the social conflicts that cover broad scope of conceptualities. Conclusions. In the summary of the theoretical framework presented, Subculture of Violence Theory by Marvin Wolfgang and Italian criminologist Franco Ferracuti (1976), has produced significant contributions in explaining how social community of subculture and violence affects the behavioral deviancy. The major point of the theoretical framework emphasizes more on violent behaviors resulted by a sub-cultural environment that encourages and legalize violent behavioral patterns. The theory assumed that violence only occurs if violence itself is intrinsically present in the community, and eventually, encourage its occurrence. If the subculture engages in behavioral conflicts of violence, chances are, the individuals involved in such acts or those that are indirectly related to the occurrence of that act shall primarily be influence to redo the violent behavior due to the concept of violence-legalizations. The theoretical framework has been based in the reflection of lower-class norms and a learned response to the pressures encountered in lower-class living, empirical support for the existence of impoverished inner-city areas, and the homicide occurrences in African Americans and whites. The social policy implicated involves mainly the racial equity between the races exampled. Reference Bean, P. (2003). Crime. Routledge. Cote, S. (2002). Criminological Theories: Bridging the Past to the Future. Sage Publications Inc. Flowers, R. B. (2002). 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